Organizing resistance and advancing for a combative and anti-capitalist new left

 Brazilian protest, Mai 2016

MES´s Document  by National Coordination of Movimento Esquerda Socialista/ internal tendency of PSOL


The crisis of the Brazilian political system has gained new chapters.  The vote in the Lower House (Câmara dos Deputados) for the presidential impeachment opened a new stage in the national situation. Dilma no longer rules. In some days, the Senate should accept her removal from presidential chair.

The last dramatic move was made by Waldir Maranhão (provisional president of the lower House), and gave tragicomic outlines to the government’s destitution. The “last card” lasted no more than 12 hours.

This measure would end, in practice, Dilma Rousseff’s government.

When we concluded the first draft of this document, in an unprecedented decision by 11 votes to 0, the Supreme Court suspended Eduardo Cunha from the presidency of the Lower House as well as his term as federal deputy.

The immediate reaction of  millions of people was to celebrate. Women, LGBT, the black, indigenous and “quilombolas” movements commemorated effusively the defeat of the “general gangster of the Republic”. Cunha is hated in the streets, his rejection is very high. Representing a “political castes” system, Cunha was the architect of numerous setbacks and institutional maneuvers, like the “Gag Law”, a political counter-reform that was made  to limit the growth of alternative parties, like PSOL.

Cunha’s downfall is, however, a double-edged sword. This is also a bourgeoisie’s maneuver, giving extraordinary powers to the judiciary, in the intention of putting things in order, clearing up the terrain for a Temer Administration.

Cunha’s departure should have occurred before the impeachment vote in the Lower Chamber, which gives partiality to this late decision.

The central actors of the Brazilian bourgeoisie needed that Eduardo was removed to normalize the political regime. This shows that there is a democratic environment and standards, which prevent the power elites to support Cunha, despite of him being crucial to Dilma’s overthrow. The right wing used Cunha to remove Dilma and this same right wing now removes Cunha.

But it’s a dangerous maneuver. Despite Cunha’s trust relations to key bourgeois sectors, in case he doesn’t come to an agreement together with PMDB’s headship, he can create a short circuit. An eventual witness immunity to Cunha would be a hydrogen bomb over the whole Republic. His 267 votes for te head of the lower house, in other words, his most loyal power base, are a specter haunting Temer, PMDB and PSDB.

On other hand, a bureaucratic sector linked to the government now has more difficulties to sustain the thesis of a “coup”.

Millions applauded PSOL and Rede members of Parliament, especially Luiza Erundina who “occupied” Cunha’s chair, which shows the feeling of the vast majority of the population. Government supporters argue that the fall of Eduardo Cunha is part of the coup, a shameful position that flirts with a “Stay Cunha” position.

PSOL was strengthened because it was the party that fought Cunha from the very first moment, both in parliamentary field and with his activism in social movements as the youth, feminist e LGBT movements.

The political crisis is combined with a deep economic crisis, which affects the majority of Brazilian people: millions of families cannot pay their bills at the end of the month. This brings a huge distress to the working class. The scenery is not of great hope.

Between 2015 and 2016, GDP may fall by almost 10%. State revenues decrease and expenses rise, mainly the cost of the high interest rates that benefit renters. Therefore, in spite of the terrible effects already being felt by the people, the prospect will be more attacks on people which tend to increase the social crisis and conflict. This general framework is a fact, but here we have to make a situation characterization effort to avoid diluting the conjuncture in general trends, remarking that not taking these trends into account we run the risk of a static evaluation.

The situation will be a Temer government with reactionary measures struggling to stabilize and impose its “anti-people” adjustment program.

Read more on my page Latin-Amerika

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About ivarjordre

painter, activist, writer, revolutionary, human
Dette innlegget vart posta under Latin-Amerika, Our global world, Politic&Society, Socialism og merkt , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . Bokmerk permalenkja.

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